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Readers' Opinion

The Father of the Nation - Bongobondhu

Wednesday August 17 2005 16:16:37 PM BDT

Mohammad Abdullah from U.S.A.

Those who were hiding on August 15, 1975 following the ouster of Mujib now possess courage to conduct HARTAL (strike) on broad day light in Bangladesh on August 15, 2005. These hiding Mujibists were after saving their own lives then. Only a criminal minded person can think about hiding leaving behind the dead body of Mujib at limbo.

Mujib never lived in unguarded house after taking the official responsibilities. Often he stayed in the official GONOVABAN (former Presidential House constructed by Ayub Khan in 1961 when Brtish Queen visited Dacca), particularly when he experienced problems within his family members. Prior to his taking the official responsibilities Mujib used to meet people in front of the Lake. I met him once in 1970 and felt that he was the leader who could demonstrate proper leadership within the frame work of Pakistan. Of course Mujib assured the crowd within the frame work of Pakistan. After he was installed with the crown upon returning from the Pakistani custody via the British capital and saluting MOHAAN DESHER MOHAAN NETRI Indira Gandhi in New Delhi, Mujib began to live in his personal residence having usual bodyguards and regular guards as he prescribed. Thus he was never unguarded there at all as S. Jamil ascribed. There is no mystery for staying at his personal house as it was his prime preference. Any head of the state possess at least eight guards at instant of time. Any state office holder can whatever he/she likes. This is absolutely personal decision.

On August 15th 1975 early morning Lieutenant Sheikh Jamal resisted the coup process from the roof of the two-storied house. His resistance was severe with the then modernized tools at the outset but got fused as proper response came back. As a result this was unfortunate resistance for him. By then his older brother Lieutenant Sheikh Kamal already absorbed bullets downstairs in front of Mujib (monitoring from the second floor lobby) and took the gallant passport from this planet. As Mujib watched this passport taking process having famous PIPE in the mouth he provided a brief commanding resistance verbally while Jamal prepared to resist from the roof. By then Mujib also took the passport by absorbing bullets in the staircase still with his favorite PIPE in proper place. Eventually Jamal was brought to the same platform with the rest of the family members. Prior to that entire resisting team was brought to null and void as they were asked to surrender.

In front of the full fledged Military Arsenal these armed guards were cooled down within moments and the situation waited for Kamal’s entry at home from the DU campus. Kamal sob kuch entezaam kar lia aapna pitaji ke liye DU campus janesey pahele (Kamal had arranged everything for his father before going to the DU campus). Mujib was supposed to visit DU campus and spend time at the Curzon Hall campus, particularly in the then new Physics (also known as Applied Physics) Building Auditorium. Kamal supervised arranging all the flower vases in the staircase and verandah for possible steps of Mujib on August 15, 1975. After Kamal’s entrance at home the operation began with him first. This was the beginning of giving passport from this planet for the entire Mujib family members living in that house. Concurrent patriotic operation began also in Abdur Rob Serniabat’s residence and his BIR DAMAD (heroic son-in-law) and Mujib’s nephew Comrade Sheikh Fazlul Hoque Moni Bahadur Jubok Number One. The passport giving process was over in less than about two hours or so.

It was quite impossible to bring Mujib, Serniabat, and Moni Jubok under constitutional justice of any kind other than considering brutal passport giving ceremony. Their tyranny and reign of despotic terror became official process as a ruling singular giant. Mujib was using Presidential rule and act (called Ordnance) for which Abu Sayed Chowdhury believed to have left the office in December 1973. This ordnance was so foolish that it executed for all Government officers without any specific reason. Thus, Mujib fired any one who was not liked by him. This special power was installed as Mujib took the Office of the Prime Minister.

With the departure of Abu Sayed Chowdhury, BOT-TOLAAR JUSTICE Mohammadullah continued Presidential Ordnance Number 10 until he lost that job in January 1975. The prime executioner of this ordnance was SAYED HUSAIN (so-called SYED at a later time of his job), a brother-in-law of Mujib. Sayed Husain’s daughter was Parvin Husain who was married to Lieutenant Sheikh Jamal on July 15, 1975. Soon thereafter Parvin was familiarized in the news media as Parvin Husain. Dear readers must not confuse with the ENGLISH newsreader PARVIN HUSAIN from SWADHIN BANGLA BETAR KENDRO as the two names became identical. Sayed Husain was a peanut clerk during 1970-1971 periods. This guy was promoted to the Secretary level by Mujib’s infamous nepotism within overnight in January 1972. Later Sayed Husain was responsible to carry out Mujib’s preferences for the Government officers using President’s Special Ordnance Number 10. On August 16, 1975 (Saturday) Sayed Husain was sacked under the same ordnance by Mushtaque and immediately after that Mushtaque abolished it permanently, and denounced this ordnance for the Bangladeshis. He branded this ordnance as KALA-KANOON of Bangladesh imposed in January 1972.

Had Mujib been a true lover of the people of Bangladesh or the country then Mujib could not betray his people again and again. After returning from Pakistan Mujib did not correct himself from his mischievous thug like behavior, rather he became a double criminal for the country by betraying at every step. How Mujib could order sacking officials without probing or verification before executing the order? Didn’t he need efficient and familiar officials?

I give one example. On December 18, 1971 Mohammad Kiamuddin came out of the jail. He did not get salary during his term in the jail. He was put in the jail by the Pakistani Military charging him for the March 23rd 1971 incident of supplying or supporting acids and/or chemicals to the Awami Leaguers from the Science Laboratory (popularly known as this name but I do not remember it’s official long name, located on Mirpur Road across Road Number 2). A case was registered for looting this Laboratory on the following day about this incident as Kiamuddin was the then Director of this Laboratory. According to his own confession in front of the journalists on December 30th 1971 his official take home salary exceeded Taka 2,000 (former Rupees 2,000). He announced on that day that he will draw only 600 Taka per month regardless of his exact take home salary beginning January 1972. He announced his sacrifice publicly before Mujib’s arrival from Pakistan and regarded this sacrifice as BOIPLOBIK DRISHTANTO.

Kiamuddin became a serious HERO to Sri Tajuddin Aamed for which Kiamuddin received millions of congratulations from the new administrators that just arrived in Dacca by an Indian Airlines propelled Fokker aircraft on December 22, 1971. The same Kiamuddin within the next six months was sacked by Mujib and terminated from the job. Kiamuddin became helpless and lost the ground under his feet. He knocked the door of every officer to get his job back. But it never happened. For some reason Mujib became very much dissatisfied with his conduct as Kiamuddin felt himself as a tremendous HERO of the country. He began speeches here and there too. However, Kiamuddin was not a political figure. He was teacher of a Government College in his early life and later he spent time as scientific personnel in the then West Pakistan before moved back to the then East Pakistan. For no good reason Mujib killed his job and gave it to his preferred pet. Most likely it was temporarily given to Faruque Aziz Khan, Personal Assistant of Sri Tajuddin Aamed during 1971 in Mujibnagar. Faruque Aziz Khan had a doctorate degree in one of the science related subjects. Later he was removed from the job too being a freedom fighter status like Azizur Rahman Mallick. At a later date Kiamuddin got back his job presumably through KHOSRU, one time film actor and a chosmedar Aadmi (pet chap) of Mujib who escorted Mujib as first-man from the VC-10 aircraft on January 10, 1972 at the Dacca Airport. Khosru is alive in the films of that day beside his ORA AEGARO ZON. Kiamuddin came across this obscure personality presumably through Montu (also known as Mostofa Mohsin), initially Awami Leaguer and then became an activist cum Minister of Ershad. Kiamuddin remained silent for the rest of his career until his retirement and forgot about BOIPLOBIK DRISHTANTO until his death. Thus, Sayed Husain was the ring leader to sack every official per Mujib’s order. Often Sayed Husain influenced to exercise this ordnance too. How wonderful the act of the self-styled Father of the Nation for his own people whether Mukti Joddha or not?

On January 01, 1973 Mujib ordered to shoot bullets at the students (presumably all of them were leftist bloc) in front of the USIS library. Motiul and Kader were the spot victims for which Mujib had no condolence. What kind of Father of the Nation he was that he had to kill students were not quite 20 years of age then? Why he could not diffuse this striking behavior of a group of students in front of the USIS library at Topkhana Road? Was he a despotic tyrant ruler?

When justice was sought from Mujib for ill behavior with a young Army Officer’s wife at a party in June 1974 by Hazrat Gazi Golam Mostofa at that time Mujib decided to sack all those involved army officers who supported Shariful Dalim. Mujib was holding the Ministry of Defense at his hand, and could easily sack everyone almost within overnight making them jobless. These Army Officers were freedom fighters. They were not ISLAMISTS or PAKISTANIS or SAUDIS as Jamal Hasan sees. Seeing people jobless and then people knocking Mujib’s door for job was a sort of fun for Mujib. After giving back the job Mujib used to assert often to some people that Mujib is the creator of job. Mujib consistently demonstrated that he is the job maker and people should depend on his mercy. Therefore, no one should be against his policies. Marhaba, Father of the Nation!

I failed to understand the “effectiveness of that calculated groundwork” provided by Mozammel H. Khan. If there was any groundwork done on March 01, 1971 then so many innocent people were killed? Why my two uncles were killed by the Pakistani Army if there was a groundwork and proper planning done for the cessation from united Pakistan? Pushing ordinary people in front of the bullets was the prime achievement of Mujib during post March 1971 days. In the Pakistani custody Mujib continuously tried to justify by screaming in the cell that he could unite Pakistan if released. Altaf Gauhar noted Mujib’s behavior in the cell as Altaf was also spending jail term concurrently with Mujib in 1971 in the very adjacent cell. One can probe into Altaf Gauhar’s versions about Mujib. Let the Mujibists characterize these events.

When Mujib landed Karachi Airport on March 26, 1971 he told to the journalists that he wanted to save Pakistan and, thus, surrendered to the Pakistani authority. Mujib also asserted that he believed in the integrity and solidarity of Pakistan. What is true and what is false is known better to Kamal Hossain as he was the witness of these incidents. Kamal Hossain is another character who was believed to act against Mujib and Awami League as well as against the liberation of Bangladesh during 1971 as Swadhin Bangla Betar Kendro repeatedly expressed suspicion about him. When Mujib returned from Pakistan at that time Kamal Hossain was the last fellow to step out of the Aircraft. Mujib immediately acknowledged his role while Mujib was in custody. Mujib never elaborated exact role of Kamal Hossain during the custody period. It is quite confusing for Mujib’s role as a whole during 1971 whether Mujib truly wanted the separation from Pakistan or he wanted integrity within the framework of Pakistan. Today only Kamal Hossain can assert on this issue.

Let us move toward the essence of the Father of the Nation. When I first encountered one dogmatic Indian in a mixed nationality party having about some two hundred people in 1970s in the U.S.A., I got a wonderful question there from a dogmatic Indian. After the introduction, this dogmatic stupid immediately asked me: why did you (Bangladeshis) kill your Father of the Nation, Sheikh Mujib? Didn’t he get independence of Bangladesh (your country) from the Pakistani slavery? This was his very introductory question before we got acquainted each other. Being a visible elderly person having significant Western experience I faced this question from him at the very outset of our first introduction. It was almost a thunder on my shoulder having such a question which I never expected from any one. Immediately I realized that I am facing a STUPID from a STUPID NATION on this planet.

First, I pretended not to understand his utterance in order to make sure about his utterance again. Therefore, he repeated the question again. Upon listening very carefully by forwarding my ear near to him, I attempted to answer slowly. My reply was: the Indians taught us (Bangladeshis) to kill the Father of the Nation of Bangladesh. This dogmatic Indian got too wild and went on with: what do you mean? I had to tell him very softly again that the Indians killed M. K. Gandhi who was regarded as the Father of the Nation of modern India. Therefore, the people of Bangladesh remove Mujib what is the problem? I continued, invariably one of those modern Indians killed M. K. Gandhi after the independence of India from the British. Didn’t this happen well before Bangladesh was established on January 30th 1948? I went on: thus, the Indians taught us how to kill the Father of the Nation and from there we got a tradition of having such a quality. This stupid Indian kept his mouth shut having big eyes pointing toward me with no further queries.

Looking around the globe nearly all the Father of the Nation entitled chaps were either ousted or killed or dishonorably passed the days until death. It is only M. A. Jinnah of Pakistan having Indian Gujrati Hindu origin escaped from these miseries. Ahmed Soekarno of Indonesia was known as Bangkarno (Brother Karno or Soekarno) ousted in a bloodless coup following a bloody uprising when famous opposition leader Aidit was killed in 1965. He spent rest of his time in custody and eventually died in 1969 following a coma for a few days. He could not possibly recognize his official seventh wife 29 year old partly Japanese blood holder Ratneswari Dewi and their 3-year old daughter before his death. The next Father of the Nation was Abu Bakr Tafewa Balewa of Nigeria. He was a HERO in 1962 but his body was made into pieces in 1966 in a bloody coup. Like Soekarno he had a few young aged wives having a four year old daughter from his youngest wife at the time of ousting. Soekarno wrote in his autobiography: it is Soekarno, it is Soekarno, and it is Soekarno who knows how many wives he has.

The next Father of the Nation was Kwame Nkruma of Ghana. Poor fellow went to China in 1966 after meeting Ayub Khan in Rawalpindi to make doosti (friendship) with them. Shortly after landing at Peking news came that he was ousted in a bloodless coup. He had to find out quickly who could give him a shelter. He found Ahmed Sekoutoure of Guinea as his best friend who gave him shelter. Eventually he died there too. Seeing the fate of Nkruma, Ayub Khan seldom visited abroad except for making sure that he has a loyalist. Eventually in 1966 Ayub removed most senior Musa Khan and placed a most junior level officer (superseding many officers), A. M. Yahya Khan, as the Chief of the Army. Thus, 1960s was a period of seeing the Father of Nation for nearly each nascent independent country in Asia or Africa.

The next Father of the Nation type heroic figure was 47-year old Ahmed Ben Bella of Algeria. He was ousted by his trustworthy Defense Minister and one time loyalist, 38-year old Houari Boumedienne, in 1964. Boumadienne assumed the title of both President and Prime Minister as he did not trust many of his cohorts but spared Ben Bella’s life via life imprisonment recognizing supreme sacrifice of Ben Bella for the freedom of Algeria in 1962. Boumediene worked under Ben Bella’s guidance toward the national freedom from French occupation. Boumedienne died in 1979 at the age of 53 but till today Ben Bella remained in custody. He was never married and lamented once that he never found time to have a wife as he was engaged constantly for the liberation of his country from occupation. Also he said that when he found time by then Boumedienne killed his desire only until recently after his release. The irony is that Chadli Benjadid, successor of Boumedienne, also did not release Ben Bella.

When Mujib became a self styled Father of the Nation, Moulana Bhashani asked for a referendum on this issue. Mujib overlooked and ignored this demand, and continued posing as a Father of the Nation. Our planet has not seen any further self styled Father of the Nation since 1971. Mujib knew the fate of all the fellows who had the so-called Father of the Nation title. In most cases all these title holders had some sort of corrupt attitude. No one could escape the truth as each of them was either demolished or abolished. Time will make them further fade as it did for the people of East Pakistan with M. A. Jinnah and imported Mujib in his place for a short time. Yet Mujib had to be liquidated too soon. The younger generation may wipe out the possibility of installing Mujib as the Father of Nation if more pressure is applied by the limited Mujibists.

If there is a nation in this planet then why there should be a Father of that Nation? Is it necessary? What does it mean to the people? Do all the nations have such a person? Is George Washington regarded as the Father of the Nation? Answer is NO. He is not colored as this title holder except for stupid supporters of Mujib call for it. They equate Mujib with Washington and think that Mujibnagar is nothing but equivalent of Washington. Well, these Mujibists write often long essays and justifies Mujibnagar for which Mujib had no respect. Mujib never believed in the existence of Mujibnagar and did not visit the so-called Boidyanath Tolaar Haat. Mujib had problems at the outset of his administration about the employees of Mujibnagar too. Eventually Sri Tajuddin enforced the salaries of those employees for nine months of 1971.

Enough has been described about the qualities of Mujib. Let dear readers judge whether we need a Father of the Nation except for creating confusion to the younger generation. Ziaur Rahman once asserted that Mujib’s portrait will remain in the office of the nation’s President along with other revered Presidents. Thus, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman is also a respected personaly who occupied the throne of Bangladesh once which is now a piece of history.

Mohammad Abdullah from U.S.A.
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